The Global Economic Governance (GEG) Africa programme is a policy research and stakeholder engagement programme to strengthen the influence of pro-poor African coalitions at global economic governance fora.
This year Germany has made Africa the focus of its G20 presidency through its Compact with Africa and the Marshall Plan for the continent, which together aim to create a more sustainable environment for private sector participation in African economies.
On 4-5 September, 2016, G-20 leaders will meet in Hangzhou, China. Global macroeconomic and financial developments traditionally dominate the agenda. The global economy remains mired in the economic doldrums, so this year there will be plenty to discuss. Brexit is likely to add further spice.
Heads of state of the BRICS countries will gather in Ufa, Russia, this week for the grouping’s seventh summit, which comes at a particularly challenging time for Russian diplomacy. Precipitated by the conflict in Ukraine, Russia is barred from Group of Seven/Group of Eight processes and increasingly estranged from the West.
Leaders from the BRICS countries - Brazil, China, India, Russia, and South Africa - will meet on 8-9 July 2015 in the Russian city of Ufa. Many key developments are expected to arise from the Summit, which takes place as Russia’s relationship with the United States and its European allies worsens, while its ties to BRICS appear to have become closer.
Some five weeks ago I attended the BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa) Academic Forum in Moscow as part of the South African delegation. The discussions held there provide interesting insights into the future direction of the BRICS group.
After a late flurry of additions to the founding membership of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), attention now turns to setting the China-led AIIB’s rules and regulations. But important questions remain – most important, whether the AIIB is a potential rival or a welcome complement to existing multilateral financial institutions like the World Bank.
South Africa’s role in global economic governance is mainly articulated through its membership of the G-20 and the BRICS grouping. The G-20 has emerged as the premier forum on global economic governance, while the BRICS countries have positioned themselves as a force for positive change in global economic affairs.
South African Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene is facing his biggest baptism of fire yet when he delivers his maiden National Budget speech on Wednesday, as the country desperately needs him to plug the gap between national spending and revenue. South Africa’s debt trend is not sustainable.
The BRICS certainly want to engage with Africa yet the consensus is that it is up to the continent to determine how it wants to use its platform to navigate the international system – and many questions remain unanswered. Rebecca Ramsamy, ECDPM's Young International Professional and former intern with SAIIA, reports on discussions at a recent Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung conference.
Over the past few years there have been discussions amongst the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries to open up their own rating agency that will compete with the 'big three' credit rating agencies - that is, Standard and Poor’s (S&P), Moody’s and the Fitch Group. S&P and Moody’s are based in the US.
Without question South Africa remains a vibrant, complicated and seemingly a growing troubled land. My colleagues from the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) one of the premiere think tanks in South Africa and the University of Pretoria, particularly the Department of Political Science there brought together some of their South African colleagues with experts from a number of countries for a conference (December 4th-5th) titled “Alliances Beyond BRICS: South Africa’s Role in Global Economic Governance”.
The importance of taxation goes far beyond providing income to finance the public sector, investments, and the basic needs of the population. The establishment of states is partly attributed to the tax system which has also contributed to promoting the state’s legitimacy, strengthening democracy, as well as to creating economic well-being for the general population.
For global governance watchers, last week was the big week of the year. Between 7 November and 16 November, the world witnessed an APEC meeting in Yanqi Lake near Beijing complete with a bilateral China–Japan ‘breakthrough’ and a major US–China climate deal; an historic ASEAN and East Asia Summit held in Naypidaw, Myanmar; and a colourful G-20 meeting in Brisbane, Australia.
The 2014 annual summit of the group of 20 (G-20) developed and emerging economies comes up from 15 to 16 November in the Australian city of Brisbane. As usual, the leaders of the G-20 countries will be deliberating on issues that will have ramifications for not only their respective economies but also the rest of the world, including those who will not be represented at the deliberations.
The Group of 20 (G-20) will hold its ninth Leaders Summit in Brisbane, Australia next week. Around the table are expected to be three African Heads of State from South Africa, Mauritania and Senegal. South Africa is the only permanent African member of this prestigious group that is the self-styled pre-eminent forum on global economic governance issues.
Group of 20 (G-20) Summits are a magnet for expectations. Ever since the grouping was formed in the turbulent early days of the 2008 global financial crisis major stakeholders have pinned many hopes on the ability of the group to steer the globe back to growth.
As the only African member of the G-20, South Africa carries the weight not only of its own national interests but of being a voice for the concerns of African and low-income countries. While South Africa has no official mandate to represent anyone but itself, there is implicit pressure to ensure that those countries and institutions who participate in the G-20 processes at least understand how some their decisions might impact upon African non-members.
When Russia hosted the first BRIC Leaders’ Summit in June 2009, which was attended by Brazil’s President Lula, Russia’s President Dimitry Medvedev, India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and China’s President Hu Jintao, Russia's leader hailed Yekatarinburg the as 'the epicenter of world politics.' The need for major developing world nations to meet in new formats was 'obvious,' he said.
South Africa’s current growth rate, and trajectory, is weak. Global circumstances, notably our exposure to continued European stagnation and financial market tapering by the US Federal Reserve Bank, are partly to blame. Structural conditions, particularly continued commodity dependence, weak manufacturing capacity, skills shortages, and infrastructure bottlenecks, also play a role.
Thirteen years ago the World Trade Organization (WTO) essentially promised to put developing states needs at the forefront of international trade negotiation agenda. The start of the Doha Development Round of trade negotiations, in November 2001, saw the adoption of a Ministerial Declaration that was a positive response to the anti-globalisation riots and challenges seen at the ends of the 1990s. The five-day protests called the 'Battle of Seattle', which resulted in the opening ceremonies and the initial session of the WTO being effectively shut down, was a clear example of the developing states people’s and developed state activists’ belief…
Four months after the BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa) launched their New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CAR) at a Summit held in Fortaleza, Brazil, the World Bank and IMF convened for their Annual Meetings. For all the fanfare that met the announcement of the BRICS’ new financial infrastructure, not a lot has changed.